Staying Out of War, Still Needing Middle Eastern Oil: South Korea’s Dilemma

Lee Jae Myung rules out deployments that would draw South Korea into the Middle East war, while leaving room to protect commercial shipping and oil supplies.

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South Korean destroyer ROKS Chungmugong Yi Sun-sin sails alongside Italian frigate Luigi Rizzo in the Gulf of Aden

File photo, May 17, 2023: ROKS Chungmugong Yi Sun-sin (foreground) and ITS Luigi Rizzo train in the Gulf of Aden. This is not a September 2026 deployment. Courtesy photo / NAVCENT Public Affairs via DVIDS, public domain.

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Lee draws a military red line as shipping protection remains under review

Analysis

South Korean President Lee Jae Myung rejected deployments that would draw his country into the Middle East war on September 18, while leaving room for a military role in protecting shipping. At his news conference, he said South Korea still had to take the minimum necessary measures to safeguard commercial vessels, crude shipments and its citizens, Reuters reported.

Together, the positions capture Seoul’s difficulty: it can refuse to join the war, but its refineries still need oil.

Ships are already in the region; a wider mission is undecided

The Associated Press reported that South Korea was considering expanding its naval unit’s activities in the Gulf of Aden. The Cheonghae Unit has conducted anti-piracy operations there for years, giving Seoul an existing presence to consider.

The Gulf of Aden, near Yemen and Somalia, is separate from the Strait of Hormuz at the mouth of the Persian Gulf. Having ships in the wider region does not mean they have been ordered to escort tankers through Hormuz. Lee’s announcement did not specify the start date, vessels covered or force composition of a new mission.

His restriction concerns what a deployment is for. Any broader maritime operation would still need an explanation of how it fits his promise to stay out of the war.

One tanker helps explain the pressure

In May, a tanker carrying one million barrels of crude reached South Korean waters after passing through Hormuz. AP reported at the time that Seoul was seeking alternative oil supplies and routes and had instructed refiners to redirect some naphtha exports to domestic users. Naphtha is an important feedstock for plastics and other petrochemical products.

The International Energy Agency identifies Japan and South Korea as particularly reliant on oil passing through Hormuz. In 2025, nearly 15 million barrels of crude crossed the strait each day, almost 34% of global crude trade. Those prewar volumes help explain the difficulty of finding alternatives.

For Korean companies, the consequences run through refining, petrochemicals and manufacturing. Keeping a military distance from the conflict cannot insulate importers from disrupted routes.

The orders will define the limit

Protecting merchant ships and joining combat can be written as separate missions. At sea, a commander may face a decision that tests the distinction. How far could an escort respond if a merchant vessel came under attack? Would an attack on the warship itself expand the mission? Those are questions to resolve before deployment; the reports do not supply South Korea’s final answers.

Reuters said President Donald Trump had been pressing South Korea for more support in the Iran war. Lee’s statement clarifies the disagreement: Seoul is prepared to consider its shipping security, while rejecting a commitment to participate in the fighting.

The next evidence to watch is an actual order. If South Korea expands the Cheonghae mission, its operating area, protected vessels and limits on force will show what the red line means in practice. Staying out of the war is the stated position. How to protect the tankers remains unsettled.

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